Business Day

LAST weekend, China's President Hu Jintao hosted more than 40 African leaders in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, where all grand occasions of state and those of the Communist Party are held.

All African countries except the five that recognise Taiwan were represented at what was the largest diplomatic event yet held by China. The symbolism of having African leaders on the podium under the ceiling with a giant red star was overwhelming.

For China, it was a sign of African support for its rapid emergence as a power on the continent. That is important at a time when Beijing is repeatedly criticised for being a new imperial power in Africa as it seeks to secure resources for its rapidly growing economy and an outlet for its industry. For Africans, China offers new hope as a major investor, trading partner and provider of aid. It's also viewed as a counterbalance to the west in Africa's vision of building a multipolar world.

On balance, China's interest in the continent is to be encouraged. It provides a channel to generate faster economic growth and Africa can derive benefits from links to a vast, fast-growing market. There is concern that China largely extracts raw materials and exports manufactured goods to the continent, but that could change in time.

There are, however, other, more serious concerns. At a closing press conference to the Beijing summit, the Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Ato Seyoum Mesfin, criticised the western media for being negative in portraying the summit as "a meeting of African despots who have found new hope and friendship to escape western pressure and respect of human rights and good governance". As much as the Ethiopian foreign minister may protest, their relationship with China potentially gives a few African countries the very options he so clearly described.

One of the tenets of Chinese foreign policy is noninterference in the internal affairs of other countries. China is sensitive about its own human rights record and knows that if it criticises others it could potentially open itself up to criticism. China's policy of noninterference has been a definite help in building its relations with Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe. Beijing has thwarted the conversion of the African Union's (AU's) peacekeeping mission in Darfur into a United Nations one, which would allow it to be far better resourced. A tougher stance by China on Sudan would certainly help ease the situation in Darfur.

Mugabe embarked on a "Look East" policy after the European Union and the US imposed "smart sanctions" targeting the ruling Zanu-PF elite. Despite promises of projects and aid, China has delivered little to the Zimbabwean leader, but has continued to give him rhetorical support. There is no evidence that China is rushing to give Zimbabwe economic support on any scale and the signs are that its banks and firms are staying away. However, the rhetoric of support gives Mugabe succour.

In the case of Angola, China's largest supplier of oil, it is almost certain that a $2bn credit line from Beijing has allowed Luanda to escape an International Monetary Fund programme.

China has certainly been consistent in maintaining what it calls its policy of noninterference. But the signs are that this will crack under pressure. Take the case of North Korea, where China is being widely praised for its role in pressuring Pyongyang into returning to the table after its nuclear test blast.

China's investments in Africa will go a long way to helping uplift the continent's poor and marginalised. These investments will have far more of an impact, and generate better returns for China, if it plays a role in upholding the AU's principles of good governance. It's a lesson that the west only comparatively recently began to understand.